Presidential elections survey

Last October we started to survey the Ugandan voters through Whatsapp. Since nomination day we have been going back to these voters and ask how they feel now.

We find that the support for Museveni has reduced from 34% in October to 28% in November (after nomination day but before the arrest of Kyagulanyi). The p-value of this research is 0.003, meaning it is scientifically significant. There were 300 respondents.

Where do these voters go to? We see that 2% of them are going to Kyagulanyi, he grows from 61% to 63%. But we also see the other opposition candidates, Muntu, Amuriat & Kabuleta going up.

We also asked some other questions.

  • Do you think the election will be honest?
  • Do you think there’s too much police violence?
  • Do you think the violence affects the votes?
  • Do you think the elections should be suspended?
Honest & peaceful elections (copyright:

We have also registered the home district of the voters, allowing us to aggregate according to the various regions. We find that Museveni still has the majority in the West, but hardly any support in Central and the East.

Results per Region (copyright:

Lastly, we looked at the age of the voters. Mainly younger voters (below 35) choose Kyagulanyi.

These surveys that is performing monthly are separate from our human rights activities, but sometimes they coincide. One of our respondents told us he was himself victim of police brutality.

The survey was discussed in our “Democracy in Uganda” program with Nic Cheeseman.

Ugandan Victims Database

Every 2 months we compile an updated report of Victims of the Ugandan regime. Per 1 March 2024 our team has identified 2650 individuals, although they are just the tip of the iceberg.

For example, we have only registered 37 individuals who were killed during the November 2020 massacre, although the official death count is 54 and the estimated count is even 200. However, only victims that can be individually identified are on the list. During the 2016 Kasese massacre over a hundred individuals were killed, but we have identified only 18 names, most children.

As can be seen in the breakdown by year, most victims are from recent years. Over half of the victims are in the category ‘NUP’, supporters of the National Unity Platform founded in 2020 by Bobi Wine. Not just party members have been arrested or abducted; just wearing a red beret is enough. At least 99 individuals were arrested during elections of 2021 with the charge of ‘Possession of government stores/uniforms’.

In total we have identified 260 individuals that were killed, and 26 to be missing for several years (among which the infamous 18 abducted NUP supporters), as a result of violence by the Ugandan security forces or condoned by the Ugandan government.

In the breakdown of victims by category it is striking that noone is really safe in Uganda. Even some NRM supporters became victims of the violence by the regime. LGBT victims are less than 1% of the total number of victims in our database.

The category ‘Arrested’ (1129) contain those victims that were locked up for political reasons, but not held incommunicado in non-gazetted detention locations (so-called safe-houses) and gravely tortured. The latter category are referred to as ‘Abducted’ were 529.



Hons Ssegirinya and Ssewanyana’s Legal Team Weary of Ghost Witnesses and Fabricated Evidence Prosecution.

The pretrial of the two embattled legislators in Uganda, Hon. Ssegirinya Muhammad of Kawempe North and Hon. Allan Ssewanyana of Makindye West seems to be setting pace for a futile trial after lawyers appear to be suspicious of the ghost witnesses and concocted evidence.

“For a fact, they have taken over a year, trying to investigate a case and even bringing witnesses is a problem to them, and now they want court to give us only 15 days with in which to do all the research and look at how to challenge witnesses; it is actually the state playing hide and seek to delay the case,” argued Counsel Shamim Malende who is one of the lawyers for the incarcerated MPs and also woman Member of Parliament Kampala district.

This comes after defense team comprising the Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, Kampala Woman MP Counsel Shamim Malende, Counsel Samuel Muyizzi and others filed an application seeking the International Crimes Division of the High Court to refer their appeal against the previous rulings made by the same court to the constitutional court.

On October 3, the International Crimes Division of the High Court in  Kampala upheld the ex-parte application by the state that sought for the protection of 17 witnesses and later on October 5, the same court also dismissed an application by the defense legal team of the incarcerated legislators that sought for consolidation of charges in Masaka High Court and those of ICD.

“And we are really concerned with that because it will occasion the miscarriage of justice if the identity of these critical witnesses is hidden, and, that has got far reaching effects in terms of implicating the two legislators,” said Erias Lukwago.

Though the Prosecution team led by Chief Prosecutor Richard Birivumbuka challenged the defense team to directly file their appeal in the Constitutional court, the defense team insisted on the reference by the ICD for it was once tried with the  appeal against the denial of bail by Masaka High Court, which the constitutional court struck out.
Why Run to the Constitutional Court?

According to the defense legal team, the previous decisions by the ICD contravene articles 28, 42, 44 of the 1995 Uganda Constitution, which prescribe rights to fair hearing, speedy trials and protection of human rights and fundamental freedom of Ugandans.
“That does not argue well with the dictates of the constitution in article 28, which guard against the double jeopardy and does not in any way accord the right to a fair hearing to the accused person because in assembling the defense, we don’t have to be embarrassed with multiplicity of proceedings,” added Lukwago.

The lawyers further questioned the rationale of the Prosecution’s concealing of the information and identities of all the witnesses.

“If they are not fake and fabricated to keep the honourable MPs in incarceration, why can’t they be disclosed?” questioned Erias Lukwago, one of the lawyers for the detained legislators.

Much as the incarcerated MPs are charged with several others; Jude Muwonge, Jackson Kanyike, John Mugerwa, Bull Wamala and Mike Serwaada, there are suspects whose charges have confused the Judge. 

A case in point is A2/accused2, Jude Muwonge. Yesterday, after the presiding Judge Alice Komuhangi Kaukha finding that the suspect is not included on the charge sheet, with no clear explanation from the state on how he ended up at ICD, the judge ordered the prison authorities not again to arrain him before the ICD but did not discharge him even when Muwonge pleaded innocent.

All these are mysteries that hovering the charges, the Witness, the co-accused and every other thing that is associated with the charges of murder, terrorism, attempted murder and abating terrorism as imposed on the two legislators.

The Judge therefore set October 13 for the ruling on the defense legal  team’s application for reference of an appeal to the constitutional court. But, whatever the decision that the ICD will pronounce, lawyers call them phenomena that are not allowed in constitutional jurisprudence.

But, right now, the defense legal team is timid of how they will defend their clients during the trial when first challenging the witnesses and the evidence pinning their clients would be of a great help on their side.

The two members of parliament have been in prison for more than a year on fabricated charges.

[Dutch] Parliament questions about Uganda

Answering questions from members Simons and Sjoerdsma about the human rights situation in Uganda

Dear President,

We hereby offer the answers to the written questions asked by members Simons and Sjoerdsma about the human rights situation in Uganda. These questions were submitted on February 22, 2022 with reference 2022Z03335.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs,
WB Hoekstra
The Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation,
Liesje Schreinemacher

Our ReferenceBZDOC-1080387994-68

Answers from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation to questions from members Simons (Bij1) and Sjoerdsma (D66) about the human rights situation in Uganda.

Question 1
Did you read the interview with Ugandan opposition leader Bobi Wine in the NRC under the title “Stop making the dictator in Uganda powerful?”1

Question 2
How do you respond to Bobi Wine’s message that Museveni is responsible for large-scale police brutality, ballot box fraud and torture? How will this affect the relationship between the Netherlands and Uganda? And how do these relate to the trade interests that the Netherlands has with Uganda?
Large-scale police brutality has taken place in Uganda in the run-up to the 2021 elections2. We also learned from various reliable sources that torture had taken place.
The EU High Representative took note of the election results in a public statement on 20 January 2021, expressing deep concerns about the role of the security services, internet restrictions and intimidation of political actors and civil society.
The Netherlands has also repeatedly expressed concerns about the deteriorating situation, such as recently during the visit of the Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation. The broad relationship between the Netherlands and Uganda is mainly aimed at increasing prospects for the population, the reception of one and a half million refugees and the further strengthening of economic relations. Partly because of this broad relationship, the Netherlands has the opportunity to raise worrying developments with Ugandan authorities. See also the answer to question six.

Question 3
To what extent and in what way are you taking diplomatic action to free the two NUP parliamentarians, who have been imprisoned since the summer on charges of terrorism and murder without any evidence? Can you explain this further?
2 See the answers to parliamentary questions from MP Kuik, dated 10 February 2021, Appendix to the Acts 2020-2021, issue 1642
3 -the-european-union-on-the-elections/

In the context of the EU, the Dutch embassy has made inquiries about this matter with various authorities. Because this is an ongoing case, the Ugandan government does not provide any explanation.
Also in the context of the Dutch presidency in 2021 of the so-called JLOS donor group (the group of donors that provides support to the Justice, Law and Order sector: the entirety of 18 government institutions in the field of the judiciary, the police and the prison system), the Netherlands has spoke regularly to the Ugandan authorities about the importance of respecting the constitution within the justice chain. The Netherlands will continue to make bilateral and EU inquiries about the detention of the two NUP parliamentarians and insist on a timely and fair trial.

Question 4
What considerations do you make when visiting and supporting political prisoners and prisoners of conscience (via the Dutch embassy) under Museveni’s rule?
See the answer to question 10.

Question 5
What considerations do you make in the choice to publicly condemn human rights violations committed by the Museveni regime and to combat them in a bilateral or EU context?
Over the past two years, the Netherlands has regularly spoken out about the poor human rights situation and the shrinking social and political space in Uganda. The Netherlands has a preference for working together with EU Member States and with other like-minded partners – for example the US or the UK – because the message gains weight as a result. A recent example of joint action is the local EU statement of 7 February on torture

In addition, the Netherlands also expresses itself bilaterally critically if the situation so requires. The Netherlands also does this behind closed doors, such as in the recent meeting of the Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation with the Ugandan Prime Minister and the Ugandan Minister of Foreign Affairs, or publicly, as recently in the context of the UN Universal Periodic Review. Human Rights Council.

Question 6
What conditions in the field of human rights, democracy and good governance do you attach to bilateral (development) aid and what consequences do you attach to non-compliance with these conditions? Can you explain this with examples?

The Netherlands attaches great importance to respecting human rights, preserving democratic space and good governance. In contacts with the Ugandan authorities, the Netherlands has therefore emphasized that negative developments could have consequences for Dutch efforts where they directly benefit the government, in line with previous decisions such as maintaining the final payment (of €850,000) of the now recent partnership with the aforementioned JLOS sector. This payment will remain on hold until it is clear how the government is working on accountability with regard to police brutality surrounding the elections. Also, the effectiveness of the cooperation with the JLOS sector as a whole, including in the context of the deteriorating situation, is currently being evaluated.

Question 7
Is it true that the last national elections were not under international supervision?
The elections were observed by delegations from the East African Community (EAC) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). However, there was no formal EU monitoring mission. Employees of EU embassies, including the Dutch embassy, ​​did visit polling stations on election day.

Question 8
Can you advocate that the next Ugandan national elections be supervised by an international observation mission to monitor democratic principles? If not, why not?
In general terms, the Netherlands endorses the importance of international observation missions and will work within the EU to ensure that the EU is able to observe the next elections in Uganda. However, this requires that the Ugandan authorities formally invite the EU. The Netherlands will also endeavor to achieve this in its contacts with the authorities.

Question 9
To what extent and in what way are you committed to ensuring that the Ugandan authorities adopt and implement the recommendations of previous international observation missions?
In the run-up to the 2021 elections, the EU and like-minded partners have been working at a technical level with the Ugandan authorities to implement the 2016 election observers’ recommendations. The next national elections are scheduled for 2026. to use the lessons of the previous elections in the preparation and observation of new elections.

Question 10
Is it true that the Dutch ambassador is not open to visits to Ugandan prisons? If so, why not?

Answer to questions 4 and 10

No, that is not correct. The Dutch ambassador is open to that. Employees of the Dutch embassy in Kampala also visit Ugandan prisons. However, for the past two years, visiting prisons has been difficult and sometimes impossible. This was due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the massive overcrowding of the prisons that closed them to outsiders. In addition, the embassy is actively involved by attending court cases against human rights defenders.

Question 11
How do you view the level of violence used by the Ugandan authorities to stifle political opposition?
The Netherlands is deeply concerned about the increased violence and the growing restriction of social and political space and has raised these concerns regularly and at a high level. For this reason, the Netherlands is actively committed – with diplomatic efforts via bilateral and multilateral tracks and with financial support to organizations in Uganda – to promote human rights and preserve social and political space.

Question 12
To what extent does the Netherlands cooperate with European and American partners in Uganda to improve judicial power in Uganda?
The Netherlands, together with other donors, has been contributing to the JLOS program mentioned above for 20 years. Government capacity building and strengthening the government’s commitment to strengthen the entire chain have been important considerations for working with the government. Moreover, this cooperation offers additional avenues to address issues such as human rights violations, impunity and corruption, both at a technical and higher level.
The last agreement with the JLOS sector, with a Dutch contribution of EUR 17 million, ran from 2017 to the summer of 2021. Since 2015, support to the JLOS program has been limited to activities aimed at clearing backlogs in lawsuits (case backlog), facilitating specific lawsuits on sexual and gender-based violence, children’s rights, refugee law, transitional justice and commercial justice. As stated in the answer to question 6, an evaluation of the past Dutch support to the JLOS program is currently being carried out, also in order to be able to take a sound decision about a possible continuation of the Dutch cooperation.

Question 13
Are you prepared to take a proactive role in promoting dialogue between the Ugandan government, the European partners and the United States to stop the human rights situation and gross violations by the police force?

Yes. The Netherlands has been doing this for quite some time. The Netherlands, for example, committed itself to this, in the context of the previous chairmanship of the JLOS donor group, in discussions about the substance of the EU’s political dialogue with the Ugandan authorities, during various consultations with like-minded partners at capital city level and in the context of of the EU Council Working Group on Africa. The Netherlands has campaigned within the EU for a speedy visit to Uganda by the EU Special Representative for Human Rights.


Beantwoording vragen van de leden Simons en Sjoerdsma over de mensenrechtensituatie in Oeganda

Geachte Voorzitter,

Hierbij bieden wij de antwoorden aan op de schriftelijke vragen gesteld door de leden Simons en Sjoerdsma over de mensenrechtensituatie in Oeganda. Deze vragen werden ingezonden op 22 februari 2022 met kenmerk 2022Z03335.

De minister van Buitenlandse Zaken,
W.B. Hoekstra
De minister voor Buitenlandse Handel en Ontwikkelingssamenwerking,
Liesje Schreinemacher

Onze ReferentieBZDOC-1080387994-68

Antwoorden van de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken en de minister voor Buitenlandse Handel en Ontwikkelingssamenwerking op vragen van de leden Simons (Bij1) en Sjoerdsma (D66) over de mensenrechtensituatie in Oeganda.

Vraag 1
Heeft u het interview met Oegandese oppositieleider Bobi Wine gelezen in de NRC onder de titel “Stop met het machtig maken van de dictator in Oeganda?”1

Vraag 2
Hoe reageert u op Bobi Wine’s boodschap dat Museveni verantwoordelijk is voor grootschalig politiegeweld, stembusfraude en martelingen? Welke invloed heeft dit op de relatie tussen Nederland en Oeganda? En hoe verhouden deze zich tot de handelsbelangen die Nederland heeft met Oeganda?
In aanloop naar de verkiezingen van 2021 heeft in Oeganda grootschalig politiegeweld plaatsgevonden2. Ook vernamen wij uit verschillende betrouwbare bronnen dat er martelingen hebben plaatsgevonden.
De Hoge Vertegenwoordiger van de EU heeft3 op 20 januari 2021 via een publieke verklaring kennis genomen van de uitslag van de verkiezingen en diepe zorgen uitgesproken over de rol van de veiligheidsdiensten, inperking van het internet en de intimidatie van politieke actoren en het maatschappelijk middenveld.
Ook Nederland heeft herhaaldelijk zorgen geuit over de verslechterende situatie, zoals recentelijk nog tijdens het bezoek van de minister voor Buitenlandse Handel en Ontwikkelingssamenwerking. De brede relatie tussen Nederland en Oeganda is met name gericht op het vergroten van perspectief voor de bevolking, de opvang van anderhalf miljoen vluchtelingen en de verdere versterking van de economische relaties. Mede door deze brede relatie heeft Nederland de mogelijkheid om zorgwekkende ontwikkelingen bij Oegandese autoriteiten aan de orde te stellen. Zie ook het antwoord op vraag zes.

Vraag 3
In hoeverre en op welke wijze onderneemt u diplomatieke actie om de twee NUP-parlementariërs vrij te krijgen, die sinds de zomer gevangen zijn genomen op beschuldiging van terrorisme en moord zonder enig bewijs? Kunt u deze verder toelichten?
2 Zie de antwoorden op Kamervragen van het lid Kuik, d.d. 10 februari 2021, Aanhangsel van de Handelingen 2020-2021, nummer 1642

In EU-verband heeft de Nederlandse ambassade bij verschillende instanties navraag gedaan naar deze zaak. Omdat het een lopende zaak betreft wordt er door de Oegandese overheid geen toelichting op gegeven.
Ook in het kader van het Nederlandse voorzitterschap in 2021 van de zogenaamde JLOS-donorgroep (de groep donoren die steun geeft aan de Justice, Law and Order-sector: het geheel van 18 overheidsinstellingen op het terrein van rechtspraak, politie en gevangeniswezen) heeft Nederland zich regelmatig bij de Oegandese autoriteiten uitgesproken over het belang van het naleven van de grondwet binnen de justitieketen. Nederland zal bilateraal en in EU-verband navraag blijven doen naar de gevangenneming van de twee NUP-parlementariërs en aandringen op een tijdig en eerlijk proces.

Vraag 4
Welke overwegingen maakt u in het (via de Nederlandse ambassade) bezoeken en steunen van politieke en gewetensgevangenen onder het bewind van Museveni?
Zie het antwoord op vraag 10.

Vraag 5
Welke overwegingen maakt u in de keuze om mensenrechtenschendingen van het Museveni-bewind publiekelijk te veroordelen en deze te bestrijden in bilateraal dan wel EU-verband?
Nederland heeft zich de afgelopen twee jaar regelmatig uitgesproken over de slechte mensenrechtensituatie en de krimpende maatschappelijke en politieke ruimte in Oeganda. Nederland heeft daarbij voorkeur voor gezamenlijk optrekken met EU-lidstaten en met andere gelijkgezinde partners – bijvoorbeeld de VS of het VK – omdat de boodschap daarmee aan gewicht wint. Een recent voorbeeld van gezamenlijk optreden is de lokale EU-verklaring van 7 februari jl. over martelingen4.
Daarnaast spreekt Nederland zich ook bilateraal kritisch uit als de situatie daarom vraagt. Nederland doet dat tevens achter gesloten deuren, zoals in het recente onderhoud van de minister voor Buitenlandse Handel en Ontwikkelingssamenwerking met de Oegandese premier en de Oegandese minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, of publiekelijk, zoals onlangs in het kader van de Universal Periodic Review van de VN-Mensenrechtenraad.

Vraag 6
Welke condities op het gebied van mensenrechten, democratie en goed bestuur verbindt u aan bilaterale (ontwikkelings)hulp en welke consequenties verbindt u aan het niet nakomen van deze condities? Kunt u dit toelichten met voorbeelden?

Nederland hecht groot belang aan het naleven van mensenrechten, het behoud van democratische ruimte en goed bestuur. Nederland heeft in contacten met de Oegandese autoriteiten dan ook benadrukt dat negatieve ontwikkelingen gevolgen kunnen hebben voor de Nederlandse inspanningen waar die direct ten goede komen aan de overheid, in lijn met eerdere besluiten zoals het aanhouden van de slotbetaling (van €850.000) van het inmiddels afgelopen samenwerkingsverband met de al genoemde JLOS-sector. Deze betaling blijft aangehouden totdat duidelijk is op welke manier de overheid werk maakt van accountability ten aanzien van het politiegeweld rondom de verkiezingen. Ook wordt op dit moment de effectiviteit van de samenwerking met de JLOS-sector in zijn geheel, ook in de context van de verslechterde situatie, geëvalueerd.

Vraag 7
Klopt het dat de afgelopen nationale verkiezingen niet onder internationaal toezicht stonden?
De verkiezingen zijn waargenomen door delegaties van de East African Community (EAC) en de Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). Er was echter geen sprake van een formele EU-waarnemersmissie. Wel bezochten medewerkers van EU-ambassades, waaronder de Nederlandse ambassade, kieslokalen op de verkiezingsdag.

Vraag 8
Kunt u ervoor pleiten dat de volgende Oegandese nationale verkiezingen onder toezicht komen te staan van een internationale observatiemissie ter controle van democratische grondbeginselen? Zo nee, waarom niet?
Nederland onderschrijft in algemene zin het belang van internationale observatiemissies en zal zich er in EU-verband voor inzetten dat de EU de volgende verkiezingen in Oeganda wel waar kan nemen. Daarvoor is het overigens wel nodig dat de Oegandese autoriteiten de EU formeel uitnodigen. Ook in contacten met de autoriteiten zal Nederland zich daarvoor inspannen.

Vraag 9
In hoeverre en op welke wijze zet u zich in om ervoor te zorgen dat de Oegandese autoriteiten de aanbevelingen van voorgaande internationale observatiemissies alsnog aanneemt en implementeert?
In de aanloop naar de verkiezingen van 2021 is er door de EU en gelijkgezinde partners op technisch niveau met de Oegandese autoriteiten gewerkt aan de uitvoering van de aanbevelingen van de verkiezingswaarnemers uit 2016. De volgende nationale verkiezingen staan gepland voor 2026. Het is gebruikelijk om de lessen van de vorige verkiezingen te gebruiken bij de voorbereiding van nieuwe verkiezingen, en de waarneming ervan.

Vraag 10
Klopt het dat de Nederlandse ambassadeur niet open staat voor bezoeken aan Oegandese gevangenissen? Zo ja, waarom niet?

Antwoord op vragen 4 en 10

Nee dat klopt niet. De Nederlandse ambassadeur staat daar wel voor open. Medewerkers van de Nederlandse ambassade in Kampala bezoeken ook Oegandese gevangenissen. De afgelopen twee jaar was het bezoek aan gevangenissen echter moeilijk en soms onmogelijk. Dit had te maken met de COVID-19 pandemie en de enorme overbevolking van de gevangenissen waardoor ze voor buitenstaanders gesloten waren. Daarnaast zet de ambassade zich actief in door het bijwonen van rechtszaken tegen mensenrechtenverdedigers.

Vraag 11
Hoe kijkt u naar de mate van geweld dat wordt gebruikt door de Oegandese autoriteiten om politieke oppositie in de kiem te smoren?
Nederland maakt zich ernstige zorgen over het toegenomen geweld en de groeiende inperking van maatschappelijke en politieke ruimte en heeft die zorgen regelmatig en ook op hoog niveau aangekaart. Om die reden zet Nederland zich – met diplomatieke inzet via bilaterale en multilaterale sporen en met financiële ondersteuning van organisaties in Oeganda – actief in voor de bevordering van mensenrechten en het behoud van maatschappelijke en politieke ruimte.

Vraag 12
In hoeverre werkt Nederland samen met Europese en Amerikaanse partners in Oeganda om de justitiële macht in Oeganda te verbeteren?
Nederland draagt, samen met andere donoren al 20 jaar bij aan het hierboven genoemde JLOS-programma. Capaciteitsopbouw van de overheid en het versterken van het commitment van de overheid om de gehele keten te versterken zijn belangrijke overwegingen geweest om met de overheid samen te werken. Bovendien biedt die samenwerking additionele ingangen om zowel op technisch als op hoger niveau zaken als mensenrechtenschendingen, straffeloosheid en corruptie aan te kaarten.
De laatste overeenkomst met de JLOS sector, met een Nederlandse bijdrage van EUR 17 miljoen, liep van 2017 tot de zomer van 2021. Sinds 2015 is steun aan het JLOS-programma beperkt tot activiteiten die gericht zijn op het wegwerken van achterstanden in rechtszaken (case backlog), het faciliteren van specifieke rechtszaken over seksueel en gender gerelateerd geweld, kinderrechten, vluchtelingenrecht, transitional justice en commercial justice. Zoals ook gemeld in het antwoord op vraag 6 wordt op dit moment een evaluatie van de afgelopen Nederlandse steun aan het JLOS-programma uitgevoerd, ook om een gedegen besluit te kunnen nemen over een eventueel vervolg van de Nederlandse samenwerking.

Vraag 13
Bent u bereid een proactieve rol te nemen in het bevorderen van dialoog tussen de Oegandese regering, de Europese partners en de Verenigde Staten om de mensenrechtensituatie en de grove overtredingen door de politionele macht een halt toe te roepen?

Ja. Nederland doet dat al geruime tijd. Nederland zette zich daar bijvoorbeeld voor in, in het kader van het eerdere voorzitterschap van de JLOS-donorgroep, in gesprekken over de invulling van de politieke dialoog van de EU met de Oegandese autoriteiten, tijdens verschillende overleggen met gelijkgezinde partners op hoofdstedenniveau en in het kader van de EU-raadswerkgroep over Afrika. Nederland heeft zich binnen de EU hard gemaakt voor een spoedig bezoek aan Oeganda van de EU Speciale Vertegenwoordiger voor Mensenrechten.

Human Right Violation and Abuses: Arrests and Detention by Uganda and Police – Mukono district in Uganda

Reports of kidnaps, arrests, unlawful detentions, tortures, disappears of National Unity Platform (NUP) coordinators or opposition candidates going on in Mukono district, Uganda. These are few of the many cases being published by Freedom Uganda.

Articles 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights:

1. Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are established by law.
2. Anyone who is arrested shall be informed, at the time of arrest, of the reasons for his arrest and shall be promptly informed of any charges against him.
3. Anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to release. It shall not be the general rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody, but release may be subject to guarantees to appear for trial, at any other stage of the judicial proceedings, and, should occasion arise, for execution of the judgement.
4. Anyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings before a court, in order that that court may decide without delay on the lawfulness of his detention and order his release if the detention is not lawful.
5. Anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or detention shall have an enforceable right to compensation.

  1. National Unity Platform coordinators from Katoogo Parish, Nama Sub-county in Mukono District detained at Mukono Police Station.

2. Arrested and detained below are Muhammad Kanata, Musa Male and Julius Kiberu. Others from the same area include Isma Ssenkubuge, Sula Kiwanuka, Juma Mukasa, Joseph Kyakuwa, Steven Ntulume, Gaz Kabanda, Ssemipjja, Musa Kajimu and Kharim. All kidnapped by security operatives in Uganda from the villages of Buntaba, Kabembe, Kisowera, Katoogo and Walusubi in Mukono District.

Human Right Violation and Abuses: Arrests and Detention by the Uganda Military and Police

Freedom Uganda reporting some of the many unlawfully arrested and abuse of human rights inflicted by Uganda Police, army and military on the people of Uganda.  On December 30, 2020, many of presidential campaign team for Presidential candidate Robert Sentamu Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine were arrested by the Uganda military and are held in various detention centers including military barracks. These are few pictures of the many Ugandans unlawfully arrested, kidnapped, detained, tortured, abused and some killed or their whereabouts unknown.

The right is enshrined in Articles 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights:

1. Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are established by law.
2. Anyone who is arrested shall be informed, at the time of arrest, of the reasons for his arrest and shall be promptly informed of any charges against him.
3. Anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to release. It shall not be the general rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody, but release may be subject to guarantees to appear for trial, at any other stage of the judicial proceedings, and, should occasion arise, for execution of the judgement.
4. Anyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings before a court, in order that that court may decide without delay on the lawfulness of his detention and order his release if the detention is not lawful.
5. Anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or detention shall have an enforceable right to compensation.

Member of Parliament aspirant Nyeko Derrick on his campaign trail amidst police brutality and intimidation. 

Yesterday,i conducted door to door meetings with our votes in kibuli and Kabalangala where i joined A NUP candidate Hassan katende contesting for LC3 Councilor Kabalangala Ward B.

It was encouraging to receive a warm reception everywhere we went as we where sharing the message of freedom throughout.

These people sent equivocal message to current leaders ” we supported your rise to power and after you dumped us ,now we want real change” it is encouraging to see people whose mind are made up of change.

Through the course of our meetings ,POLICE confronted us to stop our meetings,We stood strong aganist this act as its constitutional to meet our people ,we continued our meetings in a “Rabadaba style” Nothing can stop us in delivering the message of freedom to our people. A New Uganda awaits.


The team of 13 comrades in Lira that was arrested in Kole District last month during #Bobi4President’s campaign in the District got cash bail today but towards evening when banks were already closing. Some of them, thus, got out of jail today but the last member of this team will have been released by end of tomorrow.

2. Sserunkuuma Johnbosco & 13 other supporters of NUP who were tried at Makindye Court Martial and remanded to Kitalya Prison 3 weeks ago for putting on #PeoplePower attire were not returned to Court today. Court Martial officials gave no reason for this but simply stated that their Court will neither sit today nor tomorrow. They proceeded to chase of relatives and lawyers who had gone to represent the suspects. NUP lawyers have embarked on the necessary legal steps to arrest this brazen travesty of justice.

3. The 100+ members of our President’s campaign team who were arrested in Kalangala last week have been granted cash bail of UGX 200K each today by Court in Masaka. They were charged with inciting violence; obstruction of Police officers on duty; and committing negligent acts likely to spread an infectious disease (Covid-19), among other charges.

However, 4 of these including Eddie Mutwe, Kafuko Stanley and Kampala Lookman have been further remanded to Prison until 19th January 2021 after they were read an additional 6 charges related to alleged destruction of police property and assault of police officers, among others. Needless to say that all these are politically-motivated charges preferred against our comrades with the aim of criminalising our President’s lawful campaign and intimidating his supporters.

By end of working hours today, NUP had paid bail fees for 50+ of the comrades, and will conclude the bail procedures for the rest of the comrades tomorrow.

NUP intends to obtain Production Warrants for comrades who have been remanded to Prison — including those whose bail applications were rejected — such that they may regain their freedom sooner than 19th.